The article considers from a new perspective the concept of visual axes in ancient Roman representative residential architecture, employing Villa San Marco as a case for the study of typical seaside villas of the nobility. The private estates of the Roman nobility, including domus, villa suburbana and villa maritima, functioned not only as retreats but also as venues for hosting guests and engaging in political discussions and decisions. Such residences were designed to accommodate large gatherings while serving as a status instrument and showcasing their owners' taste and wealth. Within these villas, public representative spaces and private areas coexisted not in a random manner but following several structural principles, including that of a visual axis. Wallace-Hadrill introduced the concept of a frontal visual axis that linked almost all public and private spaces within a domus, thus demonstrated a certain prospect of social and loyalty mobility. The author of the article argues for the existence of lateral perspectives that could evoke different meanings and associations among guests, offering additional layers of interpretation. All identified axes are classified into groups according to their location and possible suggestions as invidia – “claim to a new status”, and imperium – “control over nature”. By introducing these two new types of perspectives, the article enriches the previously established idea of a single axis, thereby enhancing our understanding of the public-private landscape of a Roman seaside villa.

The author examines the historical development of the theme of witches’ presence within the Polish Kingdom and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in book printing. He analyzes various approaches to the theme of witchcraft in Polish literature, highlighting how the writer’s perspective influenced their depictions. The author concludes that the “witches’ prevalence” thesis emerged in the 16^th-century Polish polemical literature as part of a broader narrative of “modern moral decline”, functioning as a rhetorical model for designating confessional opponents. Thus, discussions of witchcraft primarily unfolded within the context of Catholic-Protestant disputes, serving as a vivid allusion among other tools of rhetorical persuasiveness. The features of witchcraft in the polemical tradition are inscribed in the collective image of the “Constitutive Other” as a heretic and a pagan and testify not to the intensification of the campaign against witches in printed materials but rather to the development of confessional disputes. In contrast, 17^th-century printing utilized the concept of the “witches’ prevalence” in relation to individuals literally suspected of witchcraft, coinciding with an increase in witch trials. This transformation redefined the understanding of the prevalence of magical practices for new purposes.

This article aims to explore a specific campaign from the War of the Spanish Succession (1701–1714) to identify the defining characteristics of early 18^th-century Western European military strategy. This study offers a valuable contribution to the comparative analysis of military affairs, which forms an essential part of the civilizational and cultural context of both Russia and Western Europe during this period. It focuses on the fighting in Savoy in 1704 and its reflection in the military correspondence of Louis XIV, his minister of war Chamillard and the French command in Piedmont and Savoy. The article delves into an episode of Western European history marked by dynastic conflicts and rivalries among reigning houses – an area that remains largely unexplored in Russian historiography. Several hallmark features of Western European military strategy are presented, including the decision-making process associated with “desktop” command and control, the establishment of limited operational objectives, a positional approach to strategy, and a tendency toward passive, methodical actions rather than decisiveness. The study also highlights a commitment to siege warfare and maneuver tactics, alongside the growing significance of engineering support and logistics. Furthermore, this military campaign was distinguished by the active participation of the local populace, the rise of partisan movements, the extensive use of diversion tactics, and the efforts of independent groups operating in isolation from the main forces. 

This article examines the coverage of the secession (i.e. separation) of the South, the causes, features, beginning, course and end of the Civil War in the United States on the pages of the Russian magazine “Otechestvennye zapiski” (“Domestic Notes”) (1861–1865). At the beginning of the conflict, this periodical, much like a significant part of the Russian press of the time, expressed sympathy to the Northern states, while condemning the slave-holding South.

Generally, detailed accounts of battles were absent from Russian periodicals; instead, they focused on the underlying causes, significant features, and the initial and final phases of the “American War.” The author of this article focuses on how the perspectives of contributors to “Otechestvennye zapiski” magazine evolved regarding the key events associated with the Southern states’ secession and the Civil War. The article outlines the methods and strategies employed to cover events from 1861 to 1865 in the magazine. Furthermore, it analyzes the factors that influenced shifts in the viewpoints of Russian journalists and publicists concerning this armed conflict as it unfolded. An important aspect addressed in this study is how the representation of the West in general and America in particular in the Russian periodical press corresponded with the perceptions presented in the “Otechestvennye zapiski” magazine about the American Civil War.

This paper comparatively examines the educational policies of the Netherlands in Indonesia and Britain in Malaya during the 19^th – 20^th centuries from the perspective of post-colonial theory. By using historical documents and synthesizing existing literature, the study reveals similarities and differences in their approaches. Notably, both implemented a “dual education” system, separating indigenous and Western-oriented education tracks, while adopting secular curricula and centralized administration. The Dutch were more flexible in language policies, whereas the British enforced stricter linguistic segregation. Influenced by the “divide and rule” strategy, segregated school systems for each ethnic group emerged, fostering communal divides. However, these policies inadvertently facilitated modernization, mass education, and female literacy. Moreover, they unintentionally nurtured an intellectual class that catalyzed nationalist movements. While serving colonial interests, the educational reforms laid foundations for modern, diversified education systems in post-colonial Indonesia and Malaysia. The paper contributes insights into colonial legacies and their complex ramifications on Southeast Asian societies development trajectories. It underscores how education served as a double-edged sword, both consolidating colonial rule and sparking movements towards independence and progress.

The article explores British public opinion regarding the USSR on the eve of and during the early stages of the Second World War. By utilizing various sources, including public opinion polls, materials from the British press, and testimonies of contemporaries, it reconstructs perceptions of the Soviet state’s role and significance in international politics, its influence on European and global events, as well as the repercussions of decisions made by Soviet leadership.  In the early months of 1939, just prior to the outbreak of the Second World War in Europe, British perceptions of the Soviet Union were intricate and diverse. These viewpoints reflected a blend of historically established attitudes toward Russia and the political preferences of different segments of British society concerning the Soviet regime. As the war unfolded, these perceptions were further shaped by the rapidly changing military and political landscape in Europe, alongside the actions of the Soviet government, which were evaluated based on their influence on the course of the conflict. British society's attitude toward the Soviet state was primarily driven by the perception of the USSR as a significant and potentially valuable participant in the European confrontation, with Hitler's Germany already recognized as the principal adversary.

The article studies the mill economy in Prikamye region in the 17^th – 18^th centuries. It draws information about millrelated taxes from various sources, including receipt books of the Novgorod local administrative office (prikaz), annual voivodeship reports (smetny spisok), censuses, registers, reports, list notebooks, reports to central and local governmental institutions. The considerable number of mills in the region indicates a high level of hydraulic engineering work. The study identifies key trends in the development of the mill economy in Prikamye during this period. Most mills were water-powered, and the construction of larger facilities indicated a growing sophistication in commoditymoney relations. State policy during the era of Peter the Great emphasized the need to account for all income sources, including mill fees. A notable increase in government oversight of mills occurred with the establishment of an office dedicated to recording these fees. The largest mills, which operated year-round, were predominantly situated in economically thriving areas where the local population engaged in bread production. Following Peter’s reforms, the majority of taxes collected from mills originated from the estates of the Stroganovs and the Kungur district. The products of the Kama flour mill, including flour and cereals, were not only sold in local markets but also exported to neighboring regions. The article further evaluates the size of cash receipts to the state treasury and identifies the locations of the mills. It categorizes various mill designs and examines the social composition of the owners of these significant facilities.

The article examines military law and law enforcement in military courts in Russia during the 18^th century. The author compares state legislation with sentences imposed on the garrison personnel of the Vyborg and Kexholm fortresses.

The study spans the period from the 1710s to the 1740s, which represents the early use of two pivotal military law acts from the Petrine era: the Military Procedure Code and the Military Article, both issued in 1715. By analyzing archival documents pertaining to the Vyborg and Kexholm garrisons, the author identifies the most prevalent crimes committed by lower-ranking personnel, assesses the nature of the sentences rendered, compares punishments for similar offenses, and traces the application of military criminal law in routine judicial practice. The findings indicate that the most common offenses among lower-ranking members in Vyborg and Kexholm included escapes and thefts. Military personnel were also frequently charged with poor performance of their duties and excessive alcohol consumption.  In contrast, more serious crimes, such as false denunciation, attempts on life, and sexual violence, were relatively rare. Under the law, even minor military offenses faced severe penalties. However, the revision process introduced significant modifications to the nature of these sentences. The College of War frequently reviewed the decisions made by regimental courts, often opting for lighter punishments. Consequently, alongside the established codified norms, a set of unwritten rules emerged that were implemented in practice and tended to be more lenient. 

The article, written in the context of the historiographic problem of social discipline as a significant practice in the formation of societies in the early modern period, examines the disciplinary processes implemented in the first decades of the existence of Yekaterinburg, a large metallurgical enterprise and the center of an extraterritorial administrative unit of departmental subordination in the east of the Russian state. Partially developing the idea of V. M. Zhivov on the possibility of social disciplinarization without confessionalization, the authors, however, are not inclined to consider this version of disciplinarization absolutely devoid of spiritual foundations if we understand spirituality not as religiosity but as a quasi-religious, moralizing model of building a “police” state created by Peter the Great.  In Yekaterinburg, due to the fact that the life of its population was closely connected with ensuring a continuous production cycle, the problem of a high level of discipline was most acute, not only in the factory shops and during working hours but also beyond them. At the same time, these pragmatic considerations were reinforced by the moralizing attitudes of the city's founding fathers: V. I. Hennind and V. N. Tatishchev, who convinced supporters of the idea of building a “regular” state and rationally organized social relations. They, who personified secular power in Yekaterinburg and the Yekaterinburg department, were the true leaders of all processes, including disciplinary ones, having subordinated the church authorities in this regard. Yekaterinburg, thus, represented an almost ideal model for the embodiment of Peter the Great’s “police pathos.” Although practically all disciplinary measures of the local administration met resistance from the population in one way or another, the social environment that developed around industrial production in Yekaterinburg objectively created favorable conditions for the introduction of consistent, total and strict discipline, the results of which have yet to be assessed.

The concept “revolution from above” as a large-scale socio-political experiment demands a nuanced theoretical understanding. This article examines a model that provides a comprehensive analysis of this experience through the lens of social and humanities sciences. The “revolution from above” was an ambitious project that was realized from a “seeing like a state” perspective. However, it led to destructive consequences for both society and the system as a whole. The study highlights several “traps” encountered during the implementation of “socialist transformations”, such as limited transformations, lack of necessary financial resources, normalization of emergency measures, limited potential, unintended consequences. These factors played a pivotal role in the negative effects observed. To explore the transformation of rural Soviet society at the turn of the 1920s – 1930s, the article proposes a model of radical etatization. It concludes that the “revolution from above” was a natural culmination of the comprehensive process of etatization that had been underway since 1917. The forced and etatization of society during this period was executed by the party state through radical measures in both the political and socio-economic spheres. Consequently, this provoked a corresponding radicalization of positions and actions from rural society. The radical etatization project in rural areas was characterized by significant social conflict between the interests of the party state and those of early Soviet society.This article, which incorporates regional examples, delineates the destructive consequences of such societal transformations.

The Soviet cities of science of the 1950s – 1980s are now studied as vibrant environments that encapsulate various social and cultural contexts. The article examines, for the first time, the history of the “Sigma” film club in Novosibirsk Akademgorodok. The club gained considerable fame throughout the USSR and continues to function today, albeit  in a more intimate format.. The methodological approach taken in this analysis combines modernization theory, new political history, and social anthropology. This synthesis enables a comprehensive understanding of the history and socio-political significance of amateur leisure socio-cultural practices in the context of the relationship between power and society during the late Soviet period and conditions that led to its unexpected collapse during the period of Perestroika. The principles guiding the organization and activities of the “Sigma” film club identified it as a gathering of engaged individuals rather than merely a venue for film screenings. In addition to showcasing elite films, the club cultivated a communicative environment that facilitated significant cultural events. By promoting the exchange of information and ideas characterized by a distinct ethical focus, the cinema club subculture contributed to the formation of small but genuine enclaves of a pluralistic society, thereby indirectly contributing to the dismantling of the ideological shell of late socialism.