The subject of this paper is the verbal actualizations of the concepts WOMAN and WAR in the movie text. WAR and WOMAN are the key concepts of any culture; each of them takes an important place in the human mental world, and a lot of works devoted to each of them in the Russian linguistics. We are primarily interested in their interaction and language expression. The purpose of the article is to find out the kind of relations of the corresponding concepts to each other, to find and analyze their linguistic expression. The plot of the movie ...The Dawns Here Are Quiet takes place during the early years of the Great Patriotic War. The story introduces us to the main characters, among them a veteran military officer - Sergeant Vaskov, and five young women, each with a different story, but they all have one thing in common - they are all soldiers now. In this unusual role for women, the old truths about women and war stand out brightly and in a new way. Collected linguistic material allows us to analyze the linguistic expression of the concepts WOMAN and WAR at different levels and to show the relationship between them. The contraposition of women and war is not uniform; it includes two contrapositions: «woman» / «man»; «peace» / «war». These auxiliary oppositions can be seen in grammar, in categories of gender and time. At the lexicon level, the antithesis «woman» vs «war» is manifested by comparing the thematic groups «woman» (95 words) and «war» (164 words). The zone of intersection of these thematic groups is very small and includes literally seven words belonging to two nominative classes: names of persons: a female soldier (m.), an anti-aircraft gunner (f.), a soldier-wife, a widow of a hero, an interpreter (f.); and the names of items: linen, beliishko ‘little linen’. At the level of grammar, the asymmetry of the male and female genders in the designation of persons is actualized. In Russian, words of the feminine gender usually denote females, and masculine words denote a person outside his sex differences. Therefore, the nomination of female workers by name is associated with the emphasis on their gender, and the designation of a military rank or military post ignores their female identity. The protagonist of the film, Sergeant Vaskov, expresses this particular trait of military service in a retort: Netu , netu zdes’ zhenshchin. Yest’ boytsy , yest’ komandiry. Voyna idet! I pokuda ona ne konchitsya , vse v srednem rode khodit' budem ‘No, there are no women here. There are soldiers, there are commanders. The war is on! And before it is over, everybody will be genderless’.

The WOMAN concept is one of the basic concept in Russians linguistic worldview. Consequently the description and evolution of women became the main objective in different researches in field of humanities. The shift in status of women is also reflected in the Soviet Union fiction - the type of prose which is perfectly illustrated by I. Grekova's (1907-2002) stories. The article deals with philological analysis of female prose. The texts touches upon the period from 1940 till 1980s, however the retrospective view to the beginning of the XX century is offered as well. The paper deals with the shifts in social status of women after the October Revolution (1917) and the Great Patriotic War (1941-1945). To begin with it was a time when Soviet women confronted with real life difficulties and obtained some masculine features (such as tenacity, courage, physical strength etc.) due to historical cataclysms. The XIX century ladies (good housekeepers, loving mothers and faithful wives) broke the «family cage» and turned into professional workers, talented managers and even famous scientists. The result of the historical tragedy generated male population cutting down. It provoked forced renovation in a women social position - they were bound to replace men in different spheres. Then the appearance transformed in a similar way. The pale and slender, small and helpless loveliness surrendered to high-colored, plump-cheeked beauties. New female compared with a pedigree horse with perfect shapes and capable of a heavy work. Moreover, in the texts the sexual aspect of women beauty appeared. This sign had not been declared as positive female feature in Russian literature tradition. I. Grekova treats the biological aspect as a part of women nature (neither good, nor bad - just realistic) and even describes in details some negative consequences of physical contacts - abortions, infertility. Afterwards in I. Grekova point of view special attention is given to the WAR , SCIENCE and MUSIC concepts. In fact the mentioned concepts serve the main topic and help to identify some key-signs of the WOMAN concept. For instance woman physiology and psychology metamorphosis is caused by the war. To speak about music, different musical genres mark the educational level of the admirer. For example classical music lovers are the most intelligent and open-minded people, in a contrast - church music listeners are borrow-minded and influenced by awkward superstitions. As for the science, the progress in women intellectual development set a balance between male and female in a field of science and arts. In conclusion the article says that in the fiction I. Grekova represents a new type of a human being - Soviet woman, who combined the best male and female qualities. She is healthy, self-confident, she is an attentive mother and creative housewife. However, the woman has one traditional weakness of a strong person - she is lonely and unhappy in a love relationship.

In this work we present a systematic analysis of the ways and means of time expressions in the prepositional case system of Russian. The author examines the functional semantic variants of time expressions assigned to the each case from the point of view of their practical feasibility and compliance of case semantics. The system of prepositional-case means of expression of time begins with the Genitive case, that serves to indicate the date of the event, and ends with the Prepositional case, that involve ordinal numbers. The basic means of time expression in the prepositional-case system of Russian consist of Accusative and Prepositional cases, which are responsible for representation of actual time meanings in Russian. The Accusative forms в прошлый месяц , в этот год , в тот век are used as holistic units that are correlated with the quantitative indicators. The Prepositional forms в прошлом ме сяце , в две тысячи пятом году , во втором веке до н.э. represent the totality of forming them units (segments of time), within which a single action takes place. The transition from the Accusative case forms with the quantitative time values to the forms of Prepositional case, intended to refer complex temporary spaces, is connected with the transition from quantitative to quality indicators. For native speakers the nouns понедельник , вторник , среда , etc. (when referring to time) correspond to a single entity ( день ), so they are used them in the Accusative case. The perception of month names ( январь , февраль , март , etc.) connects not only the value of the order, but also the essential differences between them. So they are used in the Prepositional case, intended to indicate the place, or location. The nouns зима , лето , день , ночь , etc. represent natural processes that accompany the event: existence of lighting, weather, ambient temperature, condition of vegetation. In the position of adverbial modifier of time these lexemes are used in the Instrumental case, which is correlated with the method of action implementation: when? - этой зимой , этим летом ,этим днём , этой но чью , etc. Using the prepositional-case forms of nouns in the position of adverbial modifiers or determinants the speaker gets the opportunity to describe the distribution of actions within the designated time period, and indicate the order of occurrence of this segment to the higher level units of time expression.

The aim of the article is to offer descriptions and interpretations of interjections found in the National Corpus of the Russian Language and not described in explanatory dictionaries, in order for these interjections to be later included in a specialized interjection dictionary. Overall number of these newly described interjections is 244; overall number of interjections selected from dictionaries is 747 (not including interjectional phrases). Therefore, the dictionary increase amounts to 32,7 %. We characterize interjections according to their communicative functions and distinguish the following groups: onomatopoeic, emotional, volitional, verbal, etiquette-related, magical, game-related. The onomatopoeic group is particularly open to growth. We classify interjections according to their functions: definition of emotional interjections involves the 'expression of feeling' element of interpretation; interpretation of volitional interjections involves the specification of the speech genre denoted by the interjection in question (order, command, request for silence, etc.); etiquette interjections denote specific situations of speech; explanations of verbal interjections involve descriptions of actions that they denote; explanations of onomatopoeic interjections contain description of sounds and their sources. Resources of Russian National Corpus permit us to enrich the list of interjections that may be included in Russian dictionaries. Specific examples allow us not only to establish definitions for new interjections, but also to specify meanings of interjections found in dictionaries, and to specify the sources of new interjections, many of which are borrowed from foreign languages. The onomatopoeic group appears to be the most productive because natural sounds are perceived and reproduced subjectively; it is open and constantly enriched by occasional interjections.

The article is devoted to the categorization of the material world and its reflection in natural languages. Vocabulary of the language is seen as a tool which reflects and fixes the results of the cognitive process of categorization. The author notes that linguistics has revealed a lot of signs of objects that a person uses when inserting an item into a certain category (classifiers). The question that it is necessary to create a typology of classifiers is put first in this paper. Experiential and perceptual features of objects that are used in cognitive activities as the classifiers are restricted in the article. Experiential signs are properties that are not inherent in the object immanently. These are signs that the subject receives as a result of human interaction with them. In the article the most common еxperiential classifiers are detected and their classification is made. Classifiers are ordered taking into account the ratio of «man ↔ object X ». The group of classifiers, which reflects the relation «a рerson is the subject of an interaction with X » is the most developed and most often fixed by vocabulary. Subgroups of «an object is destined for…» and «method of using of an object» are discovered in this group. In both subgroups there are varieties. Materials of two types were used to solve this problem: 1) linguistic studies of the vocabulary of the different languages in which such signs of objects detected, which are relevant for cognitive activities; 2) contexts that demonstrate the process of categorization and its basis. As a result of analysis it was found that during the formulation of the classifiers they are often mixed or replaced by similar content. This happens both in the process of categorization of reality, and in scientific research. This situation was partly predefined ontologically, that is the fact that different aspects of being and human activities interact closely and influence each other. The article experiential features of objects that reflect interconnected aspects of human life, delineated and illustrated by a great number of examples. It is revealed that experientially features of objects used as the classifiers often determine the national specificity of the categorization. At the same time in different language pictures of the world different experiential classifiers can be used. Various types of interaction between perceptual and experiential signs indicated. The attempt to develop a meta-language of classifiers is taken. The wording should be clear and unambiguously interpreted. The solution of the tasks set out in article will allow us to deepen the knowledge of cognitive activities, more accurately to discover and to formulate the meaning of information relevant to cognitive activity, correctly to accurately describe the content of concepts and to improve the dictionary definition. For a more complete understanding of the cognitive activities it is necessary to create the item experiential classifiers, to classify them, to formulate their content to describe the interaction with the perceptual type classifiers. In this article, the vector of this kind of research is specified.

The article is dedicated to the specificity of the expression of qualitative categories of modus in humanitarian texts in comparison with natural sciences and physics and mathematics. Information in the language of any science and language is generally implicit, concealed with a limited set of standard syntactic structures in which the form and content are interdependent, therefore it is necessary to reveal how modes of expression of modus senses differ depending on the scope of scientific activity. The study serve as a basis for further study of the mode and its categories. The analysis of behavior of the modus in articles devoted to questions of philology helps to find the patterns of information in the material under investigation. In the article, the following categories are considered separately: authorization, persuasiveness and evaluation. We examined how one indicator can hold several modal categories at once. As a result of the research, we came to the conclusion that the authors of humanitarian articles tend to emphasize the authorship of the works. To indicate the source of information, different types of references are used. Humanitarian articles abound with litters, indicating a lack of confidence in the reliability of the information provided. Unlike natural science and physics and mathematical texts, literary and linguistic scholars actively use estimated words. The interaction of the categories of the mode is due to the multivaluedness of the indicator. Different semantic nuances differ in different ways depending on the context.

The paper deals with the elucidation of the dynamics of lexical meanings in one family of words in the Russian language of the 11-17^th centuries. The main directions in the development of lexical semantics in the family of words with the root -god- (а) ‘good, high-quality’, b) ‘time’, c) ‘place, space’) are defined according to their etymological meaning (‘to please, to satisfy’): а) godnyi 1 > godno , godnost’ , zgodnyi ; goditi 1 > god’ba ; god > bezgoda (noun) > bezgoda (adverb); b) god > godovoi ; goditi 2 > pogoditi > pogod’ye ; godovat’ 2 > godovshchik , godoval’shchik ; c) goditi 1 > god’ye ; zgoditi ( sgoditi ) > zgod’ye ( sgod’ye ); ugoditi > ugod’ye. The regularity of the formation of new words in each of these directions during that historical period was established: about 15% of words have the meaning ‘high-quality’; 20 % (polysemantic words) of words have the meaning ‘high-quality’ and ‘time’: 59 % of words have the meaning ‘time’; 7 % of words have the meaning ‘space’. We establish that there are logical changes in the lexical semantics in this family of words that are observed due to considering them in terms of the sequence of word formation. On the first level of word formation, the words with the following meanings were recorded: ‘high-quality’ ( godnyi 1 , god’ ) and ‘time’ ( godovoi , godovnyi , godichnyi , godok , goditi 2 , godo vati 2 ). On the second level of word formation, the words with the following meanings were recorded: ( godno , godnost’ , god’ba ), ‘time’ ( godovaya , godovoye , godovik , godoval’shchik ) and ‘space’ ( god’ye , ugod’ye ). On the third level of word formation, the words with meanings ‘high-quality’ ( bezgodno ) and ‘time’ ( pogodno , godoval’shchikov ), were recorded, while no words with meaning ‘space’ were recorded. The changes that occurred during the period from the beginning of the 17^th century till the beginning of the 18^th century in the syntagmatics and paradygmatics of words with the root -god- that define space were analyzed on the materials of Siberian manuscripts with the ornate cursive writing. The paper explains which value characteristics of Siberian first settlers’ view of the world these changes reflect. Initially Siberian lands were considered only as potential places for fishing and hunting, but in the second half of the 17^th century and later they started being viewed as really valuable: as being somebody’s property, being cultivated, being used for various household goals. It is stated that the semantics of the items in this family of words in diachronical aspect can be represented as a system directions of evolution of which are defined by etymological meaning of the root and are explained with the development of the language awareness of native speakers during the entire period of language existence from ancient times till times of forming of national language.

This article describes the real situation of teaching and studying Russian language in modern day Japan. After giving a short introduction to the history of teaching Russian language in Japan in the preamble, the author explains the reasons why Japanese scholars and students should be interested in Russian language in the past as well as in modern times. Based on rich personal experience, the article explores different aspects of teaching Russian in Japan, emphasizing the most popular difficulties of that process as well as some local nuances concerning studying foreign language in the Japanese context. Russian language in Japan has experienced several rises and falls of its popularity under the influence of political and cultural factors, as well as the instability of international situation over the past decades. The rise of popularity was affected by such events as several wars, influence from the world-widely known Russian literature, and space exploration. Meanwhile, the instability of Japanese economy followed by financial crisis in 1990s played a negative role in the recent development of Japanese interest towards Russian language and culture. Japanese experts of Russian language and culture are currently facing difficulties with job placement due to the lack of vacancies for interpreters and translators, as well as the rapid reduction of workplaces in educational institutions that offer Russian language as a subject to study. The learning process in negatively affected by reduction of educational TV and radio programs; the Japanese attitude towards learning foreign languages prioritizing the matter of learning over the quantity and quality of real knowledge. The facultative teaching of Russian language in Japanese institutions has two problems: limited academic hours leading to lack of attention given per student; inconsistency of curriculum due to poor control over teaching methodology. Japanese students tend to choose Russian language, motivated by several reasons: lower passing grade for admission as compared to other languages; expectations for less demanding requirements during the learning process because of the loyalty of teachers; high authority of Russian culture; business interests. The current curriculum for teaching Russian language at Japanese universities have some weak sides, such as limited quantity for total amount of teaching hours; uncontrolled attendance for lectures affected by early job search starting already in the third year of the 4-year bachelor course. One of the main problems obstructing the process of learning Russian language is related to educational corps, with three key aspects for consideration: heavy professional workload; pedagogic unpreparedness of foreign teachers as educators; educational unpreparedness of Japanese teachers of foreign languages. Teachers are barely available outside regular academic hours because of excessive focus on individual research, which deprives the time meant for spending on lingual practice with students. Also, as many native speakers of foreign languages are employed without academic degrees or teaching experience, they can participate only as assistants, but scarcely as main tutors, which restricts their freedom to revise and improve the content of outdated curriculum. Lastly, the conservative approach of Japanese-style method to learn foreign languages mainly focuses on writing and reading, rather than speaking and listening, which is unacceptable in the Information Age. One of the crucial terms for proper establishment of educational process is availability of a wide variety of textbooks with supportive manuals and other additional literature which content is appropriate for modern reality. The manufacture of new study materials on Russian language for Japanese students should consider the cultural difference between mono-ethnic Japan and multicultural West.

The results of the author's studies on the quantitative distribution of passive and active bilingualism by age cohorts in the Chuvash diaspora in the Moscow region are presented in the article. The vitality of the Chuvash language causes anxiety due to the fact that more than a half of the Chuvash ethnos lives outside the Republic. Active bilingualism is typical of those born in the country, they have vocational education, except younger age cohorts, who almost all have higher education. Passive bilinguals are natives of cities, towns and district centres of the Republic, regardless of their education level. Functionally Russian is the first language for all the respondents in Moscow region. Active bilinguals equally use Chuvash, code-switching is determined by the situation, the interlocutor, the topic of the conversation. In the Chuvash Republic they would rather use Chuvash in the country, than in the city, thus preserving stereotypes about Chuvash as a backward, not prestigious language, but many are trying to overcome stereotypes and make conscious efforts to speak Chuvash in the city. It is likely to be the result of language reforms, carried out since 1990s, a wider use of Chuvash in various spheres, the obligatory study of the Chuvash language even at city schools. However, as the survey reveals, both active and passive bilinguals are not satisfied with the quality of Chuvash language studies at school, active bilinguals speak Chuvash due to transgenerational transmission of the language in the family, passive bilinguals keep fragmentary knowledge of the language they acquired in childhood, when spending summer holidays in a Chuvash village. Passive bilinguals use Russian both in Moscow region and back in the Chuvash Republic, but they feel emotionally attached to the language of their parents. Meetings as a part of the events organized by the Chuvash diaspora, a wider scope of modern technologies, overcoming of stereotypes, awareness of the values of bilingualism, all contribute to the Chuvash language maintenance and functioning, though somewhat partial in the Chuvash diaspora in the Moscow region.

This article considered the nominal word forms with a long vowel [a] in the Toles (cholushman) dialect of the Ulagan dialect in the Telengit language. The speakers of this dialect live compactly in the settlements of Balykcha, Koo of the Cholushman Valley, located on the southern coasts of the Teletskoye Lake. The novelty of the study is that for the first time the Telengits language is divided into the Ulagan dialect and the Chuya dialect. The Ulagan dialect is the language of Telengits, who live compactly on the territory of the Ulagan district, the Chuy dialect is the Telengits language spoken on the territory of the Kosh-Agachsky District of the Altai Republic. In turn, each dialect is divided into several subdialects. The Ulagan dialect is divided into six subdialects on the basis of geographical position and specific linguistic traits, among which is the Toles (Cholusman) subdialect. The long vowel phonemes of the Ulagan dialect in general and the Toles (cholushman) subdialect in particular had not been researched in detail before. The development of the topic is important and highly promising from a purely scientific point of view since it introduces new research material, reveals the phonetic features of the hitherto unknown language. A long vowel [a] in the Toles (Cholushman) subdialect is used in anlaut, inlaut, and auslaut of nominal word forms. A long vowel sound [a] in the Toles (Cholushman) subdialect is found in root and non-root nominal word forms; it is used in word-forms-monosyllabs and word forms-bisillabs of different syllabic structure. Comparative analysis made it possible to conclude that the long vowel [a] was formed in the Toles native root word-forms-monosyllabs mainly as a result of the dropping of the in-lute consonant; in the root word forms-bisillabs, a long vowel [a] was formed in the position in front of the narrow vowel of the second syllable; in non-root nominal-word forms of bisillabs, a long vowel [a] was formed when the affixes with a narrow vowel morphologically increased, as well as due to the loss of the intervocal consonant. The Toles (Cholushman) word forms with long vowels [a] find common features with the majority of dialects of the Ulagan dialect, with the exception of the Chibits dialect, which in its phonetic characteristics is close to the Chuya dialect. The Toles (Cholushman) and generally Ulagan word forms with a long vowel [a] reveal both general phonetic features and differences with the Altai-kizhi dialect, but the Ulagan dialect differs significantly from the Altai literary language. It is established that Altai-kizhi dialect and Altaic literary language are not the same, despite the fact that this dialect is the basis of the literary language.

The article is dedicated to the process of development of the triad of colors white / black / red on the example of the Kazakh language in comparison with the Altai, Tatar, English, and Russian languages, and related associative fields and phraseological units. We selected these colors due to the fact that white / black / red are considered the primary colors which appeared before all in human culture. The first two symbolize light and darkness, the third is a symbol of fire. Color draws up the most important part of all visual information. The sets of colors in various languages of the world are frequently very different, therefore the basic condition of communication is considered background knowledge, that is, knowledge of realities and culture. The color worldview fixes color performance under the influence of psycho-physiological and cultural-historical experience, reflecting the universal and national character of color. In this paper, we study phraseological units with words for white, black, red as their elements from oral creative works and materials of Kazakh classic literature, as well as works of Russian, Tatar, Altai writers. Phraseologisms are catch phrases and expressions that are perceived by language speakers as natural elements of speech, coming from time immemorial. Phraseology reflects not only modern, but also ancient historical traditions. They can be found in great numbers in modern colloquial speech as well as in different genres of literature. All the phraseological units presented in the work are divided into three thematic microgroups: «Individual: body parts and physiological processes», «Society, legality, law», «Nature and natural phenomena». Analysis of colors from the triad of white / black / red shows that their associative fields are the following: light, darkness, fire, mysticism, evil spirit, joy, natural phenomena, lawfulness, virtue, vice, nobility, social status, political predilections. Our paper shows the similarities and differences in the associative fields in five compared languages. Large numbers of similarities make it possible to conclude that the associative fields are largely determined by the uniform origin of the adjective-color words in the analyzed languages, although historical development has given them specific features within the national linguistic cultures.

Materials for the research are the epic texts of the Khakass culture. The object of the article is proper names and descriptions of the epic discourse. Proper names are regarded as definite descriptions that may be able to identify an individual referent and to function as proper names in discourse. The interpretation of proper names as descriptions is based on the linguistic and logic researches presented in the works by N. D. Arutyunova; E. V. Paducheva; A. D. Shmelev; B. Russell; G. Frege; S. Kripke etc. One of the types of epic proper names is metonymic nomination. The aim of the following research is to describe the mechanism of formation of metonymic names as one of the types of epic anthroponyms. The analysis of metonymic nomination demonstrates the transition of a predicate description (related to any objects in general and denoted attributes) to the actantial position. In this syntactic context the appellative gets the definite reference and the aptitude to identify an individual referent. Conversion of indefinite characterizing predicate description into definite description is claimed to be the central mechanism of generation of metonymic proper names. It must be emphasized that this type of nomination demonstrates the dialectic interrelation of two types of names (appellative and proper name) and two types of descriptions (indefinite and definite).

The paper considers the relationship between the factor of target audience of a legislative text and the linguistic features of a law. The target audience of British statutes has changed through history. From the XV century to the 1970s drafters meant statutes to be read by professionals, i.e. lawyers and judges. This influenced the style of drafting. The sentences were long and often consisted of hundreds of words. Drafters used complex syntactic structures with numerous clauses and participial constructions. The key modal verb was shall. It was used both to express the duty to do something and to state facts. Statutes were abundant in archaic words, references, nominal phrases and technical words. All this made legislative texts extremely hard to understand and an ordinary person had to consult a lawyer in order to know what a particular law said. Criticism of the language of law gained momentum in the 1970s. Renton Committee Report of 1975 emphasised that if citizens do not understand laws they are deprived of their right to live under the rule of law, which undermines democracy. Plain English Movement, which also became popular in Britain in the 1970s, contributed a lot to further changes in the language of law. Plain English drafters assumed that the reader of a legal document is the user of the document. That is why laws should be written in plain language, i.e. clear and precise language. The language of law really changed under the influence of the Movement. One of the most noticeable trends was that drafters stopped using shall and replaced it with must to express duties and obligations and Present Simple to state the provisions. Passive voice was preserved mainly for gender-neutral writing and in repeals and amendments. Most archaic words such as forthwith , hereby , notwithstanding , aforesaid , here inafter , thereunder stopped to be used. Plain English drafters promoted the use of short sense-bites, which led to changes in syntax and the layout of a section. In 2012 a research was conducted in Britain to find out who the readers of statutes are. The research singled out three groups of readers: no-lawyers who use legislation in their work, members of public who want to know and protect their rights and lawyers ranging from practicing lawyers to law librarians. Thus, the target audience of a legislative text is not homogeneous. The research also showed that both lawyers and non-lawyers have difficulties in understanding statutes. As a result British government launched a project called good law initiative meaning that good law is necessary, clear, coherent, effective and accessible. The research revealed which drafting techniques work better for the reader and which are absolutely ineffective. A new Drafting Guidance was presented in 2015, which gave practical recommendations to the drafters on how to draft laws and improve their language. Thus drafters were recommended to avoid sandwich clauses, to avoid using references within one section, to replace certain formal words like pursuant to, by virtue of, without prejudice to the generality of with simpler and more understandable equivalents, etc. The paper concludes that the target audience of a legislative text is different. The drafter needs to strike the right balance between lawyers and non-lawyers choosing the appropriate linguistic means carefully.

The paper examines the late period of V. A. Zhukovsky’s work and biography. The poet spent the last years of his life far from his homeland, separated from old friends, so his new family (Reitern’s family), German friends and helpers were closest to him people in this period. Meanwhile, many of them remain almost completely unknown to researchers. The aim of this paper is to give a brief reconstruction of the biography of one of the closest associates of Zhukovsky in the last years of his life - his Secretary Vasiliy Kalyanov. Vasiliy Kalyanov was a serf of A. I. Blok, the manager of His Imperial Majesty’s Own Chancellery. Painfully reliving his serfdom, he fled from his master and settled in Frankfurt on the responsibility of Prince Eugene of Württemberg, hoping to learn some trade. There in 1844 he made acquaintance with Zhukovsky. On 1 September 1847, he took Kalyanov to his service as a scribe, and in 1848 entrusted him with the duties of Valet and Secretary. Zhukovsky was the best man at the wedding of Kalyanov (1851), the godfather of his first child. To finally regulate the legal status of his Valet, poet at his own expense bought the fugitive serf and liberated him. To do this he had to make considerable efforts. The poet became «father and mentor» for Kalyanov, who admired the moral greatness of Zhukovsky. Kalyanov nursed Zhukovsky on his deathbed, and in his hands the poet breathed his last. Faithfully preserving a grateful memory of his mentor, Kalyanov continued to serve his orphaned family. Kalyanov’s older children were named in honor of Zhukovsky’s children Paul and Sasha. P. V. Zhukovsky was the godfather of Kalyanov’s younger son Nicholas. When Zhukovsky’s family moved from Frankfurt to Moscow in 1853, Kalyanov returned to homeland with them. Here, he was responsible home translator because nor the rest of the servants, consisting of the Germans, nor E. A. Zhukovskaya, nor her children spoke no Russian. After the death of E. A. Zhukovskaya in 1856 Kalyanov left to live in Moscow, earning a living from renting apartments in the apartment house. Younger Zhukovsky went to see their guardian in Petersburg in December 1856. But Kalyanov did not lose contact with them, supporting correspondence. Kalyanov moved to the capital in the early 1860s probably. In 1867-1868 he, already living in St. Petersburg, he helped P. V. Zhukovsky as the Secretary and the courier, working on the sixth edition of the collected works of V. A. Zhukovsky. In 1883 he collaborated with O. Miller in the preparation of the anniversary of the poet. Kalyanov took care about the monument at the grave of Zhukovsky, paying annually to the watchman work on his cleaning. For many years he would receive a pension, appointed by the Emperor children Zhukovsky, and send them abroad. Zhukovskie in turn did not forget their old servant. The paper contains unpublished V. Kalyanov’s letters addressed to P. V. Zhukovsky. They add new touches to the history of Kalyanov’s relations with the family of the poet.

The article examines correlation between ethics and anthropology in A. P. Chekhov’s poetic structure. A. P. Checkov investigates the teenager’s feelings led him to suicide. Total lies and falsity, on one hand, and ugliness of faces and bodies all around, on another, are strongly tied in Volodya’s inner world. His occasional love adventure, which he tried with plain and stupid Nyuta, makes him hate himself more and more. His self-desrtuction mood spreads on everybody in the summer cottage, especially on his mother and nasty Nyuta. He gets perfect disgust seeing them. Lies and deception of nearly all the personages make him suffer greatly. Volodya exposes his lying mother, which wasted their wealth and plays comic role in the local society. Everybody in Volodya’s opinion seems to be indifferent or even opposite to him. The most hateful persons for him are his mother and, in actual narration, Nyuta. The basic metaphor of the text, “lie is body”, makes ethics equal to anthropology. Volodya’s disappointment grows during twenty four hours from the exposition to the final episode. Emotional complex here is mixed with anthropological origin: the hero can’t stop seeing ugly faces, bodies and flesh in his environment. Negation of wrong behavior of adults and painful experience of dirty love are joint together in Volodya’s existent outlook. But at his last moments, being shot, Volodya «meets» his dead father, whose light and sincere image he always remembered heartily. The hero gets free of anxiety connected with liars (mother and Shumikhins, the summer cottage family). There is surely burst of existentialism in this particular text. Fundamental concepts in it are lie (ethics) and body, or, so to say, «bodyness» (anthropology). A hero in A. P. Chekhov’s poetics reveals himself between bright impression and deep boredom. Boredom and sadness which are associated with life itself, form an atmosphere of A. P. Chekhov’s works. The basic metaphor «lie is body» functions as a constructive centre of the short story. The plot is built on this identity, the characters are determined by it, and the main Volodya’s experience in his last day of living allows us to guess that this is ethic and anthropology formula of A. P. Chekhov Interference of ethic and anthropology modes of positioning of characters, especially the main character, is the constructive principal of the short story, and it is special for A. P. Chekhov’s poetics in general.

A large number of texts (primarily poetic ones) in which floral images occur are indicative of the special place of plants in the Teffi’s picture of the world. In 1910, the publishing house «Shipovnik» published the first poetry collection of Teffi «The Seven Lights». The book of poems by Teffi abounds in floral symbolism. However, the collection is divided into several small cycles dedicated to the seven gemstones. Among these cycles, one stands out; it «breaks» the history of stones and is dedicated to lilacs. The article focuses on the consideration of the cycle - «White Lilacs». In it, the lyrical heroine identifies herself with the flower of the lilac. The article is devoted to the author's picture of the world through the mythopoetics of the cycle of poems about lilac. Lilac for Teffi was a special flower, not only in poetry, but also in her life: this is confirmed by her correspondence with friends. The article reconstructs the model of the Teffi’s world, which is formed on the basis of the author's myth about the lilac. In the Teffi’s world model, the lilac appears in the image of the world tree, since it specifies the spatial parameters and the orientation rules in it. The article reveals the features of the cycle connected with the poetics of symbolism. The poet of the cycle «White Lilac» is close to the aesthetics of symbolism, where the symbol stands in the center. However, in the poetry of symbolism, the lilac never occupied a special position, like a rose. The lyrical heroine is a mediator between the earthly world and the heavenly. The extraterrestrial origin of the heroine refers to the Vl. Solovyov’s myth of Sophia, where Sophia was to descend from heaven to earth together with the dawn. In thus way Teffi actualizes the Vl. Solovyov’s myth about the Eternal Femininity, transforms the motif of sultry, set by the French Symbolists and supported by the Russian poets’ aesthetics. In addition, the author actualizes the idea of unity, which is characteristic of the aesthetics of the Silver Age. One of the poems of the cycle «White Lilac» is similar to the cycle of Vyacheslav Ivanov «The Sonnet Wreath» is based on the semantics of the numbers «one» and «two». Here again, the connection of Teffi's creativity and the main tendencies of symbolism is noticeable. Teffi’s lilac is a kind of parody of the occult symbol of the rose: it becomes part of the personal myth of the author, while the image of this flower in a general view is approaching everyday life. This is a deliberate decline in symbolism, a mockery of image-symbols. She takes common motives, but puts her own ironic worldview at the center.