This article examines the application of the concept of “Buddhist diplomacy” within the academic discourse of the social sciences and humanities in China, the Republic of Korea, and Japan. The study analyzes scholarly publications – including journal articles, monographs, and dissertations – that employ this term, sourced from major academic databases in these countries. Additional materials such as media publications and websites of research and educational institutions were also consulted. The findings indicate that the concept of “Buddhist diplomacy” has not gained wide-spread traction in the scholarly discourse of China, Korea, and Japan. Despite the active participation of Buddhist organizations and figures from these countries in international contacts and the appeal to the common Buddhist heritage and system of values in communication with representatives of other Asian countries, the role of the Buddhist factor in international relations rarely becomes the subject of special study. Buddhist diplomacy is considered as one of the elements of the system of cultural relations. In the study of “Buddhist diplomacy” in China, two main directions can be distinguished: historical research (the study of international contacts during the early Middle Ages and in the 20^th century) and research in the field of contemporary international relations. In the Republic of Korea and Japan, the concept of “Buddhist diplomacy” is applied almost exclusively in research focusing on the history of contacts between the East Asian countries during the early Middle Ages, when Buddhist contacts and exchanges laid the foundation for diplomatic relations in Asia.

After several successful military campaigns aimed to expand and strengthen the Qing state’s borders, the Manchu rulers faced the challenge of integrating culturally diverse regions into their growing empire. Many researchers believe that the Manchu rulers’ interest in Buddhism was linked to a desire to comprehensively control Tibet and Mongolia, as well as to limit the significant influence of lamas on people living in these regions. Thus, the empire needed a unified and distinctive Qing culture. This investigation, drawing on biographies, official reports, and administrative documents, primarily those associated with General Nian Genyao and other military leaders, aims to add new material to the descriptions of the process of incorporating Tibetan Buddhist traditions into the general Qing culture. The study primarily focuses on the Amdo (modern Qinghai), border region between Tibet and Qing China, which from the 1720s had a strategically important role for expanding Qing contacts with communities in Inner Asia.

This article examines the Japanese tea ceremony as a means of diplomacy in the politics of the military leaders of Japan at the end of the 16th century. The author traces the historical perception of tea in Japan – from an herbal remedy to a political practice significant for the samurai class. Particular attention is given to the influence of Zen Buddhism on the organization and philosophy of tea gatherings. On one hand, the tea ceremony was considered a form of meditative practice aimed at achieving enlightenment; on the other, it aligned with the ideals of the samurai code of bushidō. Drawing on the activities of the three “great Unifiers”, the article analyzes how the tea ceremony was employed to establish political alliances, assert authority, and strengthen social bonds. It highlights the central role of tea masters, whose work combined cultural, religious, and diplomatic functions. The study demonstrates that during that period, the tea ceremony evolved into an independent instrument of both secular and Buddhist diplomacy, capable of influencing Japan’s political hierarchy. It underscores the significance of tea practice in shaping political culture and consolidating the authority of military rulers, revealing the complex interplay of aesthetics, religion, and power.

This article examines the role of Buddhism in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) from the second half of the 20th century to the present day. Since the DPRK is a sovereign state founded on the national communist ideology of Juche, its entire religious system is completely subordinated to the party leadership. For a long time, Buddhism as a religious institution was perceived by the government as a direct, potential opponent. However, since the 1970s, when the DPRK began to actively establish diplomatic contacts with other countries, Buddhism began to be recognized as an important part of the cultural heritage of Koreans, which could be utilized in the sphere of interstate diplomacy. Currently, two government agencies are responsible for Buddhism in the DPRK: the Cultural Heritage Administration and the Korean Buddhist Federation. Buddhism is institutionalized and controlled by the party apparatus; clergy are generally perceived as civil servants, rather than spiritual figures. This is also reflected in the appearance of monks: until recently, they did not shave their heads and wore business suits. At the beginning of the 21st century, Buddhism became an important tool in establishing a dialogue with the Buddhist communities of the DPRK and other countries of the Buddhist world, in connection with which North Korean monks are gradually adjusting their activities. Buddhist contacts contribute to the easing of tensions not only on the Korean Peninsula, but also in the countries of South, East and Southeast Asia as a whole. This also corresponds to Russia’s strategic interests in the Far Eastern region, which makes it possible to outline specific paths for sustainable, tolerant interstate cooperation, using the Buddhist institution as a practical instrument of modern diplomacy in Asia.

Based on the materials of the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the State Archive of the Republic of Buryatia, the article analyzes the main forms of interaction between representatives of the Central Committee of the USSR in the international field. The authors noted that all the foreign policy activities of Soviet Buddhists were controlled by state and party bodies, which perceived it as a “soft power” in relations with the countries of Southeast Asia. An important part of this integration was the participation of members of the Central Committee of the USSR in various conferences, congresses and membership in non-governmental organizations, the main purpose of which was to maintain pacifism in the world, to prevent military clashes, as well as discrimination. Despite this, by the end of the 1960s, a number of contradictions between the countries of the capitalist and socialist bloc began to accumulate in international organizations. All this resulted in the creation of the Asian Buddhist Conference for Peace, whose representatives were countries oriented towards a socialist system. At the same time, it is concluded that active diplomatic activity influenced religious policy towards Buddhism in the USSR. The visits of foreign leaders to the Soviet Union were the reason for more mass visits to the datsans by believers, which contradicted the atheistic course of the USSR. For this reason, the Soviet leadership had to make certain concessions for the Buddhist religion on its territory in order to maintain active foreign policy contacts.

Sanxingdui is a Bronze Age archaeological culture spread in the vicinity of Chengdu, an administrative centre of the Sichuan province of the Peoples Republic of China in the last quarter of the 2nd millennium BC. Bronze ritual objects found in 1986 in JK1 and JK2 sacrificial pits were specific for that culture. The first to respond to the news in Chinese media about the Sanxingdui finds were prominent specialists of the 1970–1980s on archaeology of Shang and Zhou periods R. Bagley, R. Thorp, N. Barnard, K. M. Linduff, J. Rawson. Western archaeologists usually complained about the incompleteness of data they had and doubted a number of statements of their Chinese colleagues. After the 1994 Chinese publication of a colour album of sensational Sanxingdui bronze finds from this site, they were included into the exhibits of a number of large archaeological expositions held in London, Paris, Tokyo, Sydney and the USA. Each of these exhibitions was accompanied by the publication of a catalogue, which included studies about the Sanxingdui ritual bronzes. After a number of foreign tours at the beginning of the 21st century, the exhibit of Sanxingdui finds out- side of China stopped for a long time. Only in 2023 the Chinese held an exhibition in Hong Kong called “Gazing at Sanxingdui: New Archaeological Discoveries in Sichuan”. The reason was the resuming of archaeological excavations in the so-called “sacrificial region” of the Sanxingdui site which resulted in the discovery of six new sacrificial pits.

The purpose of the article is to reconstruct the cultural and historical processes in the Upper Indus Valley during the Early Iron Age. The objectives of the research include: the systematization of currently known anthropomorphic petroglyphs, which, due to stylistic, iconographic and technological analysis, can be attributed to a specific period or cultural community, as well as the analysis of their spatial distribution. Source database of the research includes 18 com- positions from 10 rock art sites in Gilgit-Baltistan and Ladakh. Archaeological materials from neighbouring territories and data from written and epigraphic sources will also be used to clarify the dating of petroglyphs. A total of 8 Saka anthropomorphic petroglyphs, 3 Achaemenid, 10 Indo-Scythian, and 9 Yuezhi-Kushan have been identified. It has been established that the Upper Indus Valley served as a route for many peoples during the Early Iron Age, during the expansion of the Achaemenids (6^th – 4^th centuries BC), as a migration route for the Sakas (the second half of the first millennium BC), and subsequently this territory was part of the Indo-Scythian Kingdom (1^st century BC – 1^st century AD), and then the Kushan Kingdom (starting from 2^nd century AD).

The article presents the results of a study on the third capital of the Koguryo state during its late period (5^th – 7^th centuries). The main Korean and Chinese narrative and epigraphic sources are examined and analyzed to describe the capital to be modern-day Pyongyang. The capital during this time is generally associated with the territory of present-day Pyongyang, though its exact location remains a subject of debate. Although there are references to Pyongyang before the capital was moved in 427. Two major stages are identified, which can be referred to as “Early” Pyongyang and “Late” Pyongyang (Chang’an). Narrative and epigraphic sources are supplemented by archaeological data from the fortress sites such as Daesong, Anhakgung, Cheonamdong, and Pyongyang, located in this area and correlated with the capital site at each stage. All these settlements are large in size, and inside there are remains of large administrative buildings. Anhakgung was usually considered a palace complex, a centre in a plain place during this period, and the Daesong mountain settlement had a defensive function. Recently, the Cheonamdong fortress or only Daesong mountain settlement began to have been considered as the centre of “early” Pyongyang. Material evidence from these sites does not always allow for a clear interpretation when compared with written sources. “Late” Pyongyang (Chang’an in written sources) was located on a larger territory of the modern Pyongyang city, and ramparts and a number of objects from the Koguryo period were discovered. More extensive archaeological research in the Pyongyang area would enable a reconstruction of the capital system during the late period of Koguryo. Even during the Koguryo era, it already functioned as a developed administrative, political, economic, and military centre of the state, continuing to do so to the present day.

The article explores the phenomenon of mobile orchestras that emerged in China during the early Middle Ages, based on the development of caravan trade along the Great Silk Road in the economy and cavalry squadrons in military affairs. The “Sogdians” of the Western Region and the nomadic peoples of the northern steppe zone, including those who established their own states on the conquered Chinese territories, actively participated in fulfilling these social necessities. The emergence of musical ensembles of mounted musicians can be traced back to their depiction in clay as part of small funerary sculptures found in tombs from the 16-State period or the Northern Dynasties epoch, with the Xianbei Tabgach people often featured in the latter. Due to studies of ceramic figures it became known that the elementary unit was a pair of horsemen: one with a trumpet or horn, another – with a drum. Namely, this special “drum and wind” music and its variant with a transverse flute as well was created to maintain a clear rhythm during combat tours and military formations on the battlefields, which was performed by military musicians who usually rode horses or, less commonly, camels. Later, they were supplemented by a group of string instruments and expanded to the dimensions of ceremonial orchestras that participated in court ceremonies. In this article, the authors primarily used primary materials from the expositions in the leading museums of China, such as National museum or Historical museum of Shaanxi Province. This investigation is supposed to be the first step in exploring this important topic within the great realm of Chinese music.

Alongside the Soviet Union and China, the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in the spirit of socialist solidarity, substantially contributed to the international assistance for the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) during the Vietnamese Anti-American War. Drawing on Vietnamese archival documents, this article examines another aspect of transnational outreach strategy by analyzing connections among minor players in the Cold War. The article explores the assistance from the GDR to the DRV during one of the most turbulent periods of twentieth-century Vietnamese history. Vietnamese resources reveal that the GDR’s aid mostly showcased the international socialist solidarity, and represented for the sympathy of the divided countries because of the Cold War. Not only DRV but also GDR benefited greatly from these aid initiatives. While Hanoi government mobilized GDR’s resources for North Vietnam’s unification, Berlin officials used their assistance to Hanoi as a way to enhance the GDR’s prestige and inspire East German people for their solidarity.

Aid from socialist nations to Vietnam during the war is one of the outstanding issues in the history of the Vietnam War (1954–1975). North Korea is also a country with a very high spirit of aid to Vietnam. In this article, the authors use two main historical research methods (the historical method and the logical method). In order to complete this ar- ticle, the authors gathered a variety of sources, including records from Vietnam’s national archives, the Wilson Center Digital Archive (USA), and some research findings relating to the study topic conducted by other authors. Thereby, the article will focus on clarifying the following three issues: North Korea’s attitude regarding Vietnam’s resistance war against the US; North Korea’s aid activities to Vietnam between 1965 and 1973, and assessments of North Korea’s aid activities to Vietnam between 1965 and 1973. The research findings of the article will provide new material to help elucidate international support for Vietnam’s resistance war against the United States’ invasion. In addition, it will help to overcome the document limitations that exist in the current investigation of diplomatic actions between North Korea and Vietnam. It will also serve as a significant document for anyone interested in the Vietnam War.

This study explores the Cumbok Tragedy in Aceh through the perspective of the Politics of Memory, emphasizing the importance of remembering the past amidst shifting political and cultural contexts. Politics of memory functions as both an academic critique and a strategic tool against dominant historical narratives. The research, conducted in Pidie District – the epicentre of the conflict and the most distorted in Cumbok’s history – adopts a qualitative case study approach to investigate real-life dynamics. Findings reveal that human rights violations were not confined to December 1945 – April 1946 but continued during the DI/TII rebellion initiated by PUSA Chairman Teungku Daud Beureueh in 1953. Fieldwork shows that persecution, impunity, forced marriages, and confiscation of uleebalang family assets persisted into the 1950s. Additionally, the study identifies complex socio-cultural issues in Pidie, indicating that patterns of violence and property seizure were more intricate and prolonged, extending the understanding of the Cumbok conflict’s lasting impacts.

The article deals with the memory issues that arose as a result of the Japanese occupation of the Dutch East Indies (modern Indonesia) in 1942–1945. Officially, the occupation of the Southeast Asian countries was held under the slogans of pan-Asianism and the liberation of the local population from the influence of Western colonizers. However, it soon became clear that its victims were not only representatives of European metropoles (POWs and internees), but also the local population: in Indonesia, both Indonesians themselves and members of the Indish group – people born into mixed marriages, found themselves in this situation. As a result, in the post-war period, a pressing issue for Japan was not only establishing relations with the young countries of Southeast Asia that had gained independence, but also with the European countries that owned these territories before the occupation. Therefore, this article analyzes the settlement of memory issues in connection with Japan and two other actors – the former metropolitan country, Holland, and the newly independent state, Indonesia. The process of restoring and normalizing relations between these countries included the admission of guilt and the payment of compensation (or funds for the restoration of the post-war economy) and the performance of symbolic acts (reconciliatory visits by monarchs and heads of government, the erection of monuments). In addition, the article highlights the efforts of the public and diplomats aimed at solving humanitarian problems, in particular, attempts to help the affected people find if not support, but at least recognition from society on subjects that had been taboo for many years after the war.

The implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative has brought about great opportunity of development for Xinjiang, China. Being a free trade zone, Xinjiang sees growing international exchanges with neighbouring countries and is in need of qualified foreign language talents for international communication. Recommended routes for talent training through engagement in optimizing the curriculum, implementing compound talent training programs with foreign languages plus communication, strengthening the overseas internship bases for international communication and utilizing the opportunity of international communication in the Digital Intelligence Era.